Book 8, part 1. The New Civilization (2005)
There is one additional question I would like to bring to my readers’ attention.
At the moment you are engaged in the process of creating a people’s strategy for the future development of the Russian State. Part of this strategy has been published in issues of the almanac, part appears on the Anastasia site on the Internet. As I see it, the overwhelming majority of the materials is ex-tremely interesting. However there is one question — about power and authority — that has not yet been sufficiently il-luminated. Aet it is a most important question. I invite you to join me in contemplating it. For starters, I’d like to share my own reasonings with you.
Power often changes. Just over the past hundred years, people have lived under the Tsar, the Communists and a series of democratic rulers. Power gets changed, but life does not get rearranged for the better. Why? Do bad people always come to power? Hardly. It is more likely that the current system makes any politicians who get elected to power ineffective pen-pushers when it comes to solving the problems involved in any real betterment of people’s lives.
Take our legislative assemblies over the most recent parlia-mentary terms. It seems that we vote for normal, family-type people, and then once they’re in power they come up with, to put it mildly, some rather strange legislation. Why? Perhaps,
in the process of coming to power, they fall into another world — a world isolated from the people? An apartment in the parliamentary living quarters, a car equipped with its own flashing light on top, a private office where the public is denied entry, along with all sorts of special perks and “vanity of vanities”.
Anastasia’s Grandfather suggested an interesting piece of draft legislation concerning deputies of the State Duma. They should each be granted a piece of land and definitely live in a community built on that land, right out among the people. A law faculty graduate in Ukraine named Tatiana Borodina,2 has drafted a bill to this effect, and I think it is worth reproducing its major clauses here in this book, so that my readers can pass on the proposal to their own elected representatives in legislative assemblies at all levels.
Moreover, I call upon my readers to be sure to take part in regional and federal elections, but to vote in only those candi-dates who live in their own kin’s domains.
But is it merely a passport stamp that defines someone as a Russian citizen? In many cases, a candidate on the ballot has Russian citizenship and a Moscow residence permit, but has a fashionable domain located in another country. Is he going to be mindful of the needs of ordinary Russian people? Most probably his thoughts will be oriented in a completely differ-ent direction.
If a candidate has his own little Motherland — his family domain in Russia — and lives there among Russian citizens, his work can be expected to bring benefit to those citizens and to the Motherland as a whole.
This much is becoming clear to many people. Students are even beginning to draft laws to assist the legislators.